I The founding of the dynasty

Two patterns characterize this period, which will see Yüan-ti (49-33 BC), Ch'eng-ti (33-7 BC), Ai-ti (7-1 BC) and Ping-ti (1 BC-6 AD) on the imperial throne: the reformists have now the upper hand on all aspects of politics and the life at the Court, and the fin de siecle feeling, materialized with the end of the Former (or western) Han Dynasty and the accession to the throne of Wang Mang

Reinforcement of the role of the reformists

As we've just seen, from the reign of Yüan-ti onwards, most decisions in all fields were strongly reformist in nature, and at the end of Former Han, Wang Mang pushed it even further. Economy and retrenchment became law, and one turned to the former Chou rather than Ch'in to find inspiration. Yet reformists didn't always succeed in imposing their views, as some proposals didn't find a favorable echo, and would be either postponed until Wang Mang of Later Han, or never accepted at all

One of those regarded the capital city. In 46 BC, it was suggested by officials that the capital should be transferred to Lo-yang, connected to the Chou, also because Ch'ang-an had been the scene of violence and extravagances and it seemed right to estrange the dynasty from such a city. It seems that the emperor was favorable, but that the idea had been discarded as not being practical.

Kingdoms were restored, if only for short period of times. It is an important gesture in the sense that it will be the kings of two of them who will become the last two emperors of the Former Han dynasty, Ai-ti and P'ing-ti. Marquisates continued to be bestowed of kings' sons.

Other consequences of reformists being in power in the field of domestic policies was the lack of influence exerced by eunuchs during the period. Some did raise to greater power as they acceded to the secreteriat, but it was short-lived (46-33 BC) and the agency the eunuchs had staffed was abolished in 29 BC, under reformists pressure. Also, punishments were mitigated, as it was argued that harsh law resulted in a raise of criminality, and judicial processes shorten to avoid interfering too much with peoples activities.

Luxuries and extravagances at the Court were strongly reduced, based on the principle that all those "wasted" resources could be used for more essential products. A series of special establishments designed to provide the Court with carriages and horses, or robes were shut down, officials had to reduce their expenditures, and imperial hunting lodges throughout the country that were rarely put to use were closed. So was the office of music, although that was at least as much for ideological reasons, the music being judged often as base or even improper, and exercising a bad influence. At one point, even the state monopolies on salt and iron had been closed, only to be reopened soon after, as the revenues were too important. The official who was responsible for it also made another proposal that was refused, that of turning back to a premonetary economy; but it would have been hard to imagine that civil servants would have supported it and agreed to be paid in grain instead of money. Later, another official proposed to rectify the imbalance between rich and poors by reducing both the extent of land and the number of slaves one could possess. But again it was opposed by those in high place who feared to loose those very privileges.

In the field of foreign policy, not only was the reluctance to expand clear, but even more than that, China refused to engage potential enemies. Even though the Hsiung-nu generally speaking didn't pose too much of a threat at the time, and a new post was established in Central Asia to provide military assistance and found new colonies, China's reluctance could have created a real danger, and it was sometimes up to individuals to save the day. In 42 BC, while China was suffering from famine, a revolt broke in the west, and the central government sent a third of the force the general Feng Feng-shih asked for to reestablish order. As a result, they eventually had to send even more men than was first needed as the first battle was lost.

But even more important was the fact that in 36 BC, one of the Hsiung-nu leader, jealous of the favorable treatment another leader had received from the Chinese, with help from Sogdiana, planned raids against the Chinese in Central Asia. It was a very serious threat as eventually, he could have severed all communications between the colonies and the capital. That the danger was averted was due to the initiative of two officers, who proclaimed an imperial edict to gather the necessary forces to kill the leader and put a stop to his revenge. But because the imperial edict had been proclaimed while they didn't have the right to do so, their reward, compared to what they had accomplished, was meager.

Religion didn't escape the reductions of expenditures either. If Yüan-ti continued to be present at ceremonies of deities like the Earth Queen and the Grand Unity, other things were about to change, especially during the rein of Ch'eng-ti, when the shrines of minor deities were abolished, some other sites were not visited by the emperor because of their far-away location and the cost t would have meant, and the ceremonies still in place were simplified. But maybe even more important is the fact that the object of cult changed, shifting from the Five Powers to the cult of Heaven, again an heritage of Chou, and shrines more simply decorated than the previous were built close to the capital. Religion was also to be influence by the state the dynasty was in at the turn of the millennium, as we're about to see

Decline of a Dynasty

It seems that Hsüan-ti had feared for some reasons that it would be his son, Yüan-ti, who would precipitate the end of the dynasty, as they were of different opinions, the latter appearing much more in favor of the critics against legalist policies. But no matter his opinions, he played little if no role at all in the decisions of his days, as he suffered from poor health and focused more on frivolities at the end of his reign.

But the real danger came when Ch'eng-ti couldn't produce an heir. It was because of it that those who had argued in favor of some continuity of the cults during the same dynasty, and thus in favor of the Five Powers cult against that of Heaven, would sometimes win the argument against the reformists. By respecting continuity, and by worshiping the right gods, it was hoped that the emperor would be finally blessed with an heir: this is why religious cults changed several time, especially when the need of an heir became dire. It is only under Wang Mang's influence that the Heaven and Earth cult would be reinstituted for good in 5 AD. The same pattern was followed regarding the services to the former emperors' souls. Those services were reduced considerably in 40 BC, and many shrines were abandoned. They would be restored and discontinued then several times depending on the situation of the dynasty, until 7 BC. Only those of a few emperors considered as worthy of a special treatment were still attended to.

But in the end, Ch'eng-ti never produced an heir. He was the son of Yüan-ti and Wang Cheng-chün, the future empress dowager, and had become emperor at 19. Despite his love for learning, his often described as lacking in strength and nobility and being sensible to frivolities. He married a relative of the former empress Hsü who had been assassinated, but she never had a boy who survived infancy. That and the attraction of the emperor for an entertainer, Chao Fei-yen, who plotted against the empress and had her deposed before becoming empress in turn (and who also failed to produce an heir), where the main reasons behind dynastic discord.

In the meanwhile, the Wang family, related to the empress dowager Wang, rose in power as they established a hereditary tenure on the position of marshal of state, one of the most powerful one in the Empire, Wang Mang being the last of four men of the family appointed to that position in 7 BC. There was a setback during Ai-ti's reign (7-1 BC) as other families rose to the forth. Ai-ti was the grandson of Yüan-ti and his consort Fu, his mother was from the Ting family and his candidacy was supported by the Chao. All of them benefited from Ai-ti's ascension to power by occupying important posts, while Wang Mang was dismissed.

But the Wang family never lost all of its influence, partly because the new marshal of state, from the Fu family, seemed to have too much integrity to give out too many honorific titles to relatives. Moreover, the reformists fought against some of the women of the Court gaining too much power, like the empress dowager Fu.

Anyway, events soon followed that would favor the Wang family again. Ai-ti's been said to have wanted to rule with some personal strength, but his chronic ill health prevented him to do so, as did the consorts' families and the influence of his catamite and minion Tung Hsien, who quickly rose to become marshal of state in 2 BC at the young age of 21. At Ai-ti's death the following year, there was again no heir apparent dully nominated. It was the empress dowager Wang, still alive, who had then the authority to issue imperial edicts. Tung Hsien was degraded and committed suicide. Wang Mang was nominated again marshal of state; to prevent his position from being challenged, the other families were degraded as well, and the new chosen emperor, P'ing-ti, was a mere boy at the time of his ascension, being only nine. Moreover, he married one of Wang Mang's daughters.

But things were to change drastically with P'ing-ti's death in 6 AD. It was even rumored that it was Wang Mang who murdered him, but the situation became actually much more dangerous for him at a time when his power had seemed secure, so there's every doubt about that accusation. There was no relative of Yüan-ti left, so they had to search among Hsüan-ti's descendants. All the 53 kings and marquises were rejected for a two years-old boy, Liu Ying, and Wang Mang was named regent, then acting emperor.

The rise of Wang Mang: coming soon!