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Chapter 2: The Former Han
Dynasty
IV The years of
transition(87-49 BC)
These
years will see the successive reigns of Chao-ti and Hsüan-ti, both
enthroned while still minors. It will also be a period during which
reformists will increase their influence on the matters of state until a
certain equilibrium between theirs and modernists’ views will be
reached, at least in practice, with a marked change in China’s attitude
in foreign relations.
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Successions and the role of the emperor
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Generally
speaking, the role of the emperor in the affairs of the state is limited,
at least once a dynasty has been established. But his presence at the apex
of the system is necessary to legitimate every decision taken within this
frame, a necessity that will be reinforced Tung Chung-shu and his scheme of
the universe, where stand a temporal ruler, thus linking his position to
the cosmos to justify his authority.
This lack of
direct influence explains why it is not rare in Han history (and in fact,
in the whole of the Empire of China’s history) to see minors be duly
enthroned. This could happen when influent statesmen wanted to manipulate
the succession to serve their best interests, and therefore, choose someone
that thought could be easily influenceable. But it did not always work, as
we will see. There were also occasions when some statesman or king would
try to seize the throne for themselves by ruse or by force.
At the same
time, the power was starting to shift from the officials to people called
palace attendants. This was an
honorary title that could be bestowed on an unlimited number of people;
their main privilege at first was to be able to enter the palace whenever
they wanted and to attend the emperor. But with time, this growing group of
people became what is called the Inner
Court, and was opposed to the Outer Court of
the duly appointed officials. One member of this Inner Court would sometime exercise
power, as he would be given the lead of the secretariat, making him one of
the most effective person in the palace.
As we’ve
seen in the previous chapter, Chao-ti, eight years, accessed to the throne
in 87 BC, just after being nominated as heir apparent, probably under the
pressure of Huo Kuang on the dying Wu-ti. As it had been decided that until
his majority, the control of the government would be left in the care of a
triumvirate at the head of which was Huo Kuang, he was virtually the most
important person of China, especially once the two other members of this
triumvirate were dead: one, Chin Mi-ti died in 86 BC, and Shang-kuan Chieh
was executed after a failed attempt of coup d’état by the king
of Yen in 80 BC. He had also been nominated Marshal of state, the highest
possible honorific rank, giving him even more legitimacy, and leader of the
secretariat, which gave him full civil powers. Moreover, he was the
grand-father of the minor empress.
He was
therefore in an incredibly dominating position, and used it plainly. At the
death of Chao-ti, who died suspiciously young in 74 BC yet seemingly of
natural death, there was no heir. After the 27 days of reign of Liu Ho, who
was deposed for lacking qualities such as respect and decorum, and for
abusing his position, he was replaced Liu Ping-I, 18 years old, descendant
of Wu-ti and the empress Wei. He will be known as emperor under the name
Hsüan-ti.
Huo Kuang will
remain in power until his death in 68 BC, and many people of his family
where in favorable position at the court or at the government. But there
was one issue that could be source of anxiety for the Huo: the Emperor had
refused to make of one of Huo Kuang’s daughters his empress, wanting
his wife, Hsü P’ing-chün at this place, and she was
nominated in 74 BC. But pregnant, she was soon poisoned by Huo
Kuang’s wife in 71 BC, and one of her daughter became the new empress.
Huo Kuang
himself knew of it only after all this happened, but didn’t report
it. He died in 68 BC and was buried with great honor in a suit of jade. His
family is said to have behaved with “indecent arrogance”, and
soon protest against their power could be heard, and the Emperor himself
acted by stripping Huo Kuang’s son and great-nephew of their titles
and by nominating opponents of Huo Kuang at important offices.
Soon after, it
was revealed how the former empress died. The Huo family was then in real
danger and tried to plot against the emperor but failed and all the members
of the Huo family were removed in one way or the other from the palace,
with the exception of Chao-ti’s empress dowager.
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Modernists vs. reformists
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This whole
period also saw a change in policies due mainly to the increasing influence
of the reformists over the modernists, despite the fact that Hsüan-ti
himself was reportedly of a rather modernist frame of mind, even though the
actual policies and decisions taken under his reign are more tinged with
reformism than before.
We have the
chance of having a nearly contemporary report of a discussion called
“Discourses on salt and iron”. It is supposed to discuss the monopoly
of state on iron, but in the end, most matters of state will be debated
between the modernist spokesmen of the government, and the critics,
reformists. When one reads those debates, it appears as if the reformists
had “won” over the modernists, but in the facts, little changed
outside the end of the iron agencies in the metropolitan area and the
commissions for state’s monopoly on liquors.
Here are the
various opinions on different issues:
v
On the universe: both agreed that it worked following
the “eternal rhythm of the Five Phases”, but for the
reformists, each phase followed the other naturally, while for the
modernists, it was by conquest
v
Aims of government: modernists want to provide for the
security and material welfare of the population by controlling work and
activities, while reformists where mostly attached to the principle of
ideal government: men would be better by conforming themselves to moral
principles; they wanted to promote those values over control and taxation
v
On economy: Modernists wanted to exploit China’s
resources to their maximum to redistribute them effectively. To do so they
justified controls and the fact that they encourage trade and manufacture,
and trade with foreign countries. Reformists saw no reason to encourage other
activities than agriculture and believed that monopolies brought nothing to
the people of China.
They wanted to limit the use of coin and of the conscript labor. For them
government was harsh and a greater disparity existed now between rich and
poor.
v
On foreign affairs: modernists wanted to continue their
politic of positive and/or offensive measures to protect China and increase its influence over Asia. Reformists saw no point in all this, arguing
that those efforts cost China
too much resources.
v
On law: modernists relied on the punishments
system; for reformists, moral lessons were more efficient, and found the
punishments too harsh, and that the laws where inequitable as they were
enforced.
v
On the training of officials: for the reformists, future officials
needed to be inculcated high moral principals, while the training should be
more practical in modernists’ view
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Results of the increase of reformists’
influence
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The orders of honor
had been bestowed on people for meritorious service and where to be
individuals and rare for them to keep their value. This had, at least, been
the case since the Ch’in dynasty. But under Hsüan-ti, they
became a token of the emperor’s bounty toward his people and general
bestowals became frequent.
The highest
order, the marquisate, also saw some changes in the reasons why it was
given, as search was made to find the descendent of those who had received
marquisates during Kao-ti’s reign and lost them subsequently, notably
during 112 BC. There were thus given on the merit of the ancestors,
something typical of reformists’ point of view. While on subject of
administrative divisions of the state, it is also to be noted that kingdoms
were further weakened.
Public
expenditures were also greatly reduced, especially in regard of everything
that had to do with spectacles and music supported by the government, which
will culminate, after drastic cuts in the budget from 70 BC, with the
suppression of the office of music in 7 BC.
This impact of
reformists views will also greatly affect foreign relations. The Chinese
were able to maintain their interests in Central Asia,
but that what mostly due to the internal divisions of the Hsiung-nu. One of their leaders was received at
the court in 51 BC, and was treated generously in an attempt to win his
friendship, in conformity with reformists principles.
Also expansion
was mostly abandoned in favor of static colonization and the establishment
of agricultural colonies, while relations with the west remained peaceful,
and a partial withdrawal from Korea occurred in 82 BC.
V: Reform
and Decline
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