Chapter 2: The Former Han Dynasty

 

I The founding of the dynasty

 

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II The consolidation of the Empire

 

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III The full force of modernist policies

 

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IV The Years of transition

 

Successions

 

Modernists vs reformists

 

Reformists’influence on policies

 

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 V: Reform and Decline

 

 

Summaries

 

Volume 1: the Ch’in and Han Empires (221 B.C.-A.D.220)

 

Chapter I: The Ch’in Empire

 

Chapter 3: Wang Mang and Han Restoration

 

Annexes

 

Volume 2: coming soon

 

Index

 

 

Chapter 2: The Former Han Dynasty

IV The years of transition(87-49 BC)

 

 

 

These years will see the successive reigns of Chao-ti and Hsüan-ti, both enthroned while still minors. It will also be a period during which reformists will increase their influence on the matters of state until a certain equilibrium between theirs and modernists’ views will be reached, at least in practice, with a marked change in China’s attitude in foreign relations.

 

 

 

 

Successions and the role of the emperor

 

 

Generally speaking, the role of the emperor in the affairs of the state is limited, at least once a dynasty has been established. But his presence at the apex of the system is necessary to legitimate every decision taken within this frame, a necessity that will be reinforced Tung Chung-shu and his scheme of the universe, where stand a temporal ruler, thus linking his position to the cosmos to justify his authority.

 

This lack of direct influence explains why it is not rare in Han history (and in fact, in the whole of the Empire of China’s history) to see minors be duly enthroned. This could happen when influent statesmen wanted to manipulate the succession to serve their best interests, and therefore, choose someone that thought could be easily influenceable. But it did not always work, as we will see. There were also occasions when some statesman or king would try to seize the throne for themselves by ruse or by force.

 

At the same time, the power was starting to shift from the officials to people called palace attendants.  This was an honorary title that could be bestowed on an unlimited number of people; their main privilege at first was to be able to enter the palace whenever they wanted and to attend the emperor. But with time, this growing group of people became what is called the Inner Court, and was opposed to the Outer Court of the duly appointed officials. One member of this Inner Court would sometime exercise power, as he would be given the lead of the secretariat, making him one of the most effective person in the palace.

 

As we’ve seen in the previous chapter, Chao-ti, eight years, accessed to the throne in 87 BC, just after being nominated as heir apparent, probably under the pressure of Huo Kuang on the dying Wu-ti. As it had been decided that until his majority, the control of the government would be left in the care of a triumvirate at the head of which was Huo Kuang, he was virtually the most important person of China, especially once the two other members of this triumvirate were dead: one, Chin Mi-ti died in 86 BC, and Shang-kuan Chieh was executed after a failed attempt of coup d’état by the king of Yen in 80 BC. He had also been nominated Marshal of state, the highest possible honorific rank, giving him even more legitimacy, and leader of the secretariat, which gave him full civil powers. Moreover, he was the grand-father of the minor empress.

 

He was therefore in an incredibly dominating position, and used it plainly. At the death of Chao-ti, who died suspiciously young in 74 BC yet seemingly of natural death, there was no heir. After the 27 days of reign of Liu Ho, who was deposed for lacking qualities such as respect and decorum, and for abusing his position, he was replaced Liu Ping-I, 18 years old, descendant of Wu-ti and the empress Wei. He will be known as emperor under the name Hsüan-ti.

 

Huo Kuang will remain in power until his death in 68 BC, and many people of his family where in favorable position at the court or at the government. But there was one issue that could be source of anxiety for the Huo: the Emperor had refused to make of one of Huo Kuang’s daughters his empress, wanting his wife, Hsü P’ing-chün at this place, and she was nominated in 74 BC. But pregnant, she was soon poisoned by Huo Kuang’s wife in 71 BC, and one of her daughter became the new empress.

 

Huo Kuang himself knew of it only after all this happened, but didn’t report it. He died in 68 BC and was buried with great honor in a suit of jade. His family is said to have behaved with “indecent arrogance”, and soon protest against their power could be heard, and the Emperor himself acted by stripping Huo Kuang’s son and great-nephew of their titles and by nominating opponents of Huo Kuang at important offices.

 

Soon after, it was revealed how the former empress died. The Huo family was then in real danger and tried to plot against the emperor but failed and all the members of the Huo family were removed in one way or the other from the palace, with the exception of Chao-ti’s empress dowager.

 

 

 

Modernists vs. reformists

This whole period also saw a change in policies due mainly to the increasing influence of the reformists over the modernists, despite the fact that Hsüan-ti himself was reportedly of a rather modernist frame of mind, even though the actual policies and decisions taken under his reign are more tinged with reformism than before.

 

We have the chance of having a nearly contemporary report of a discussion called “Discourses on salt and iron”. It is supposed to discuss the monopoly of state on iron, but in the end, most matters of state will be debated between the modernist spokesmen of the government, and the critics, reformists. When one reads those debates, it appears as if the reformists had “won” over the modernists, but in the facts, little changed outside the end of the iron agencies in the metropolitan area and the commissions for state’s monopoly on liquors.

 

Here are the various opinions on different issues:

 

v      On the universe: both agreed that it worked following the “eternal rhythm of the Five Phases”, but for the reformists, each phase followed the other naturally, while for the modernists, it was by conquest

 

v      Aims of government: modernists want to provide for the security and material welfare of the population by controlling work and activities, while reformists where mostly attached to the principle of ideal government: men would be better by conforming themselves to moral principles; they wanted to promote those values over control and taxation

 

v      On economy: Modernists wanted to exploit China’s resources to their maximum to redistribute them effectively. To do so they justified controls and the fact that they encourage trade and manufacture, and trade with foreign countries. Reformists saw no reason to encourage other activities than agriculture and believed that monopolies brought nothing to the people of China. They wanted to limit the use of coin and of the conscript labor. For them government was harsh and a greater disparity existed now between rich and poor.

 

v      On foreign affairs: modernists wanted to continue their politic of positive and/or offensive measures to protect China and increase its influence over Asia. Reformists saw no point in all this, arguing that those efforts cost China too much resources.

 

v      On law: modernists relied on the punishments system; for reformists, moral lessons were more efficient, and found the punishments too harsh, and that the laws where inequitable as they were enforced.

 

v      On the training of officials: for the reformists, future officials needed to be inculcated high moral principals, while the training should be more practical in modernists’ view

 

 

Results of the increase of reformists’ influence

The orders of honor had been bestowed on people for meritorious service and where to be individuals and rare for them to keep their value. This had, at least, been the case since the Ch’in dynasty. But under Hsüan-ti, they became a token of the emperor’s bounty toward his people and general bestowals became frequent.

 

The highest order, the marquisate, also saw some changes in the reasons why it was given, as search was made to find the descendent of those who had received marquisates during Kao-ti’s reign and lost them subsequently, notably during 112 BC. There were thus given on the merit of the ancestors, something typical of reformists’ point of view. While on subject of administrative divisions of the state, it is also to be noted that kingdoms were further weakened.

 

Public expenditures were also greatly reduced, especially in regard of everything that had to do with spectacles and music supported by the government, which will culminate, after drastic cuts in the budget from 70 BC, with the suppression of the office of music in 7 BC.

 

This impact of reformists views will also greatly affect foreign relations. The Chinese were able to maintain their interests in Central Asia, but that what mostly due to the internal divisions of the Hsiung-nu.  One of their leaders was received at the court in 51 BC, and was treated generously in an attempt to win his friendship, in conformity with reformists principles.

 

Also expansion was mostly abandoned in favor of static colonization and the establishment of agricultural colonies, while relations with the west remained peaceful, and a partial withdrawal from Korea occurred in 82 BC.

 

 

 V: Reform and Decline